Upon entering the state and federal capitols across the United States and walking the hallowed chambers of the legislative bodies, you may see formal seating assignments that determines who someone is, what that person will be, and what he or she will be allowed to accomplish.

Those who wield power in their respective front rows make these decisions.

“In reality there is perhaps no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases; it is still alive and will now and then peek out and show itself.”
—Benjamin Franklin

THE FRONT ROW AND ITS IMPORTANCE

There is a physical front row that faces the lecterns of power, separating the lieutenants and generals from the main body of both political parties. There is also an aisle that divides the two major political parties, the Democrats and the Republicans. The lines drawn between the political insiders (the front row) and the political outsiders (middle and back rows) are much less known but far more important. The caveat is dysfunctional leadership. Front row division from members in the middle and back rows is far more divisive when led by dysfunctional leaders than any political party differences.

When the House was in session, and we were called to caucus on Fourth Floor North, I would sit in the back row. The real debates were hidden from public view, and they were held in our party caucus rooms. I chose the back remembering an old family lesson dating back to the Civil War: “Keep your back to the wall”—a saying handed down to me from my great-grandfather.

Sitting alongside me was a woman who was to become my colleague and closest ally, Judith Ann Krawczyk. We were both “freshmen legislators” in 2001, a term used to keep wide-eyed new legislators in line. I was a fresh-faced politician, full of big ideas and an even stronger sense of purpose, given the fact that I was the state’s original charter school law author as a private citizen. My sense was that I could make a larger impact now that I was an actual member of the state legislature.

Little did I realize how very naive that thought was.

Representative Judy Krawczyk was sixty years young and full of street smarts and common sense. She often told me, “I have a nose for people and I can smell trouble.” The day we met, we were both sensing the building tension and political posturing. At the moment that we were to be introduced to our party’s caucus on the fourth floor, both of us looked around the room. It resembled a high school auditorium on the first day of fall classes. “Let’s sit in the back,” we both said at the same time.

Sitting in the front row is a subconscious clue to the aspirations of those occupying those seats. They’re there for power, control, to be heard and to lead their own agendas. Yet little do they realize that leaders are all around them in that room—some of us are sitting behind the white pillars in our state and federal capitols, watching and listening. When the time is right, we’ll lead right from where we sit. Unfortunately for the front, many of us lead very well from the back row.

From the back I could see the entire political class, the orchestrated moves in our caucus from the lieutenants who were instructed to agitate votes during our discussions. I could easily see the cupped hands and silent whispers of instruction given to the whips who paced about at the end of the aisles. There were more times than I’d like to admit when I saw talented legislators ostracized and used as “examples” by the leaders in the political class. These legislators were verbally browbeaten and torn down in front of the body. A few of us stood up to intervene; Representative Krawczyk and I were such bold ones.

Unfortunately, the damage had already been done, as many of these individuals would resign shortly thereafter. The games played by those sitting in the front row were brutal. Many colleagues had short-lived political careers at the hands of the front-row elite, whose jealousy and petty games were aimed at weeding them out and driving them away from government service. Little did I know that my choice to sit in the back had afforded me a label of someone who would be quiet and submit to the rules of the front row.

Before we get too far into the dysfunctional aspects of lawmaking, perhaps it is time to show you a chart of “How a Bill Actually Becomes a Law.” You may be surprised to learn about the contrast between the ideal on paper and the reality of the political game, as it is played today.

The following chart focuses on the legislative body, the lawmakers. On paper, there are three readings of the bill—first, when it is introduced and referred to committee; second, when the bill comes up before either body (Senate or House); and third, when the bill is read for its last time before it is voted on by the body. A conference committee follows, if both houses pass a different version of the same bill, to work out the differences between the Senate and the House. The final product is then enrolled and sent to the governor’s desk for his/her signature…To continue reading this book, get your copy of “What Sex is a Republican” in paperback or Kindle edition on Amazon.

About the Author:

Terri McCormick is an author, policy expert, educator, and former state representative to the Wisconsin State Legislature. Today, she offers her expertise in public and government relations through McCormick Dawson CPG Ltd., a trusted consultancy of independent contractors.

Ms. McCormick serves as president and CEO of the company, drawing from more than two decades of professional experience, a strong educational foundation, a host of industry-related publications, and a multitude of accolades, awards and formal recognitions. Holding a Master of Arts in administrative leadership from Marian University, and a Bachelor of Science in political science and public administration from the University of Wisconsin, Ms. McCormick received both degrees with high honors.

“What Sex is a Republican?” is sold on Amazon in both the paperback edition as well as Kindle edition.  Read reviews on Amazon here.

This phenomenon of women being able to cross party lines and being more prone to solving problems is, ironically, at odds with the front-row mentalities in rancorous fall-in-line party politics.

The predatory fall-in-line politics is dependent on turf wars and silo building. Further, the survival of the front-row leadership ranks is often dependent on maintaining the same old ideological battles between the two political parties. It is not in either party machine’s interests to solve problems. Political donations and campaign cash is a direct result of creating fear and angering their respective voting bases.

The very nature of serving the people, or populist thinking, may hinge on the need for increasing the numbers of independent voters, who demand change in our political system. Independent voters formed a show-me aspect of politics in the 2006 and 2008 elections. They insisted on information and research on all candidates across the political spectrum. And it was then that they cast their votes and encouraged their social networks to cast their votes for candidates of integrity and ideas.

may prove one way to break the back of the current rank-and-file clubs that seem to have bolstered political intrigue and partisan politics.

If American citizens hope to find policy makers interested in solving problems, rather than those resembling schoolyard thugs or bullies at recess, we might learn a lesson from citizen leaders who do their homework and keep an open mind before casting their ballots in political elections. In fact, the research shows that the growing numbers of independent voters—35 percent at this writing—makes post-partisan thinking and problem solving possible.

The challenges we have today cannot be solved with backward thinking. It requires forward thinkers who have the capacity to envision new paths that have not yet been created. This will require all Americans to participate in the political process.

CHAPTER SUMMARY

• The political ecosystem is composed of the “sharks,” who are all about self-serving in office; the “feeder fish,” who attach themselves to the sharks; and the “outsiders” who aim to serve their constituents.
• Stereotypes about male and female politicians abound.
• Research about women as leaders show that women have made significant strides in the past few decades.

“Being powerful is like being a lady. If you have to tell people you are, you aren’t.”

—Margaret Thatcher

…To continue reading this book, get your copy of “What Sex is a Republican” in paperback or Kindle edition on Amazon.

About the Author:

Terri McCormick is an author, policy expert, educator, and former state representative to the Wisconsin State Legislature. Today, she offers her expertise in public and government relations through McCormick Dawson CPG Ltd., a trusted consultancy of independent contractors.

Ms. McCormick serves as president and CEO of the company, drawing from more than two decades of professional experience, a strong educational foundation, a host of industry-related publications, and a multitude of accolades, awards and formal recognitions. Holding a Master of Arts in administrative leadership from Marian University, and a Bachelor of Science in political science and public administration from the University of Wisconsin, Ms. McCormick received both degrees with high honors.

“What Sex is a Republican?” is sold on Amazon in both the paperback edition as well as Kindle edition.  Read reviews on Amazon here.

According to the research conducted by the Barbara Lee Family Foundation, there are six identifiable barriers to women who aspire to serve in public office.

From their publication Cracking the Code, “Political Intelligence for Women Running for Governor” (2004), these barriers are:

1. Executive Leadership: Given the few examples of women chief executives in the public and private sectors, women candidates for governor must be able to demonstrate successful executive experience in order to win voter confidence.
2. Preparation: Women need to provide more evidence than men of their financial and crisis-management skills to persuade voters they are as “qualified” or “ready to serve.”
3. Outsiders with Insider Connections: Women are presumed to be “outside” the harsh push and pull of politics, but they must have inside connections to mount statewide campaigns.
4. Outsiders with Insider Know-How: Women are expected to be “honest,” but in voter’s minds that raises the question: Can they make the necessary deals?
5. Management Style—Tough but Caring: Women must walk the line between seeming “tough enough” but not “too tough,” and compassionate but not weak.
6. Family Matters: Voters are curious and make assumptions about women candidates and their families. They wonder who will come first—the candidate’s family or the public, and how she will juggle both.

RESEARCH ON WOMEN AS GOVERNORS

Research on women governors has described them as being willing to take on the corruption in their states. Republican governor

Sarah Palin of Alaska was quoted on October 15, 2007, as stating, “It’s time for Alaska to grow up and end its reliance on pork-barrel spending.” Shortly after taking office, Palin canceled funding for the “Bridge to Nowhere,” a $330 million project that Senator Ted Stevens (R) championed in Congress.

The bridge, which would have linked the town of Ketchikan to an island airport, had come to symbolize Alaska’s dependence on federal handouts, as it would serve fifty people. Governor Palin, instead, would rather prove that Alaska can pay its own way, developing its huge energy wealth in ways that are “politically and environmentally clean.”

Governor Palin recognized that “if we had the same good old boys serving, nothing would change. We needed some new blood. [She] also recognized that you had to be the top dog to make those changes.”12 Palin was seen as a golden girl of the Republican Party, a hardworking, pro-business politician whose friendly demeanor (evidenced by that Palin smile) made her palatable to the typical pickup-driving Alaskan man.

Governor Kathleen Sebelius (D) of Kansas further proves the research right on women leaders. She blurs the partisan divide by describing herself as a post-partisan who is focused more on solving problems than pointing fingers. Named as one of the nation’s five best governors by Time magazine in 2005, Sebelius is described as someone who “really loves studying policy.” She is a self-proclaimed risk-taker who has learned from her father. “You have to be willing to fight for something and risk taking the loss.”…To continue reading this book, get your copy of “What Sex is a Republican” in paperback or Kindle edition on Amazon.

About the Author:

Terri McCormick is an author, policy expert, educator, and former state representative to the Wisconsin State Legislature. Today, she offers her expertise in public and government relations through McCormick Dawson CPG Ltd., a trusted consultancy of independent contractors.

Ms. McCormick serves as president and CEO of the company, drawing from more than two decades of professional experience, a strong educational foundation, a host of industry-related publications, and a multitude of accolades, awards and formal recognitions. Holding a Master of Arts in administrative leadership from Marian University, and a Bachelor of Science in political science and public administration from the University of Wisconsin, Ms. McCormick received both degrees with high honors.

“What Sex is a Republican?” is sold on Amazon in both the paperback edition as well as Kindle edition.  Read reviews on Amazon here.

Don’t think for a minute that I believe that only men are capable of this type of unethical behavior—far from it.

Women follow just like men follow.

The point is this: we don’t need followers! We need heavy lifters.

We need those who aren’t afraid to engage in intellectual battle and who have poise under fire. And we need people who can provide one or more of the following attributes:

• Inspiration and communication — these are the necessary skills for getting things done. If people cannot inspire, move ideas forward and get others to be on board, then they cannot lead.

• Ideas and solutions — people need problem-solving skills. They must have the ability to see the world differently. They must be able to see the whole picture, not just a linear view. And they need mental toughness. When others are jealous or petty enough to quash their idea rather than solve a problem for the entire state, these people have to step ahead of that roadblock and find a solution.

• Impatience — these people must be impatient enough to push for something they want done. Thinking and planning are useless skills if they don’t have the fire under them to jump into action.

Women and men are both capable of unethical behavior, but we hear about the men more often. Why? The only logical explanation is that there are more men in politics. I would take that one step farther and say that women aren’t necessarily as willing to play Fishbowl Predatory Politics. I base that statement on the following:

RESEARCH ON WOMEN AS LEADERS

In my own home state of Wisconsin, we have seen a steady decline in women Republicans elected to the state legislature. A direct correlation can be drawn with this sharp decline of Republican women in the state legislature to that of a more dictatorial, fall-in-line approach to leadership within the GOP ranks itself. The Wisconsin state house lost two-thirds of its women representation in GOP-held seats in the state house alone, during a six-year period, 2001 to 2007. The U.S. House of Representatives in Washington DC also has steadily lost women-held seats throughout the tenure of GOP majorities on the federal level.

Research has not been conducted as of this writing to determine the cause for this sharp decline in GOP seats held by women, but it was reported in March of 2008 by MSNBC that the Republican National Committee has conducted polling on the topic of gender and race. It would appear that the GOP is polling negative campaign material to determine how far negative they can go against a potential woman or minority candidate for president.11

If I were to ask if it were more likely, statistically, to find women in the role of governor or the United States Congress, you might be more likely to say Congress. Research reports, however, that both political parties have had a sharp decline in women serving in the United States Congress. Are women being squeezed out? Or are they opting against party machine politics? Even with small numbers, women can leave an indelible mark in politics, given the tools and the right approach. Waging intellectual battles and displaying poise under fire are skills that can be learned.

Women, if provided an opportunity to run in independent-leaning districts, tend to better connect to the needs of their constituency back home in their districts. “Voters give female governors significantly higher marks than their male counterparts on such qualities as honesty, cooperation and caring—as well as toughness,” reports an article in Newsweek in 2007. Newsweek’s descriptions of women governors showed that women governors were “pragmatic, post-partisan and focused on solving problems.” Further, it was reported that women as governors work especially well with high numbers of independent voters in their states.

This appears to be a welcome change from the partisan rancor that has described state and federal government, as mired in finger pointing and territorial posturing. Indeed the last 108th Congress in 2006 was described as the greatest “do nothing” Congress in American history. The Wisconsin legislature, too, has closed its 2008 session with a similar reputation…To continue reading this book, get your copy of “What Sex is a Republican” in paperback or Kindle edition on Amazon.

About the Author:

Terri McCormick is an author, policy expert, educator, and former state representative to the Wisconsin State Legislature. Today, she offers her expertise in public and government relations through McCormick Dawson CPG Ltd., a trusted consultancy of independent contractors.

Ms. McCormick serves as president and CEO of the company, drawing from more than two decades of professional experience, a strong educational foundation, a host of industry-related publications, and a multitude of accolades, awards and formal recognitions. Holding a Master of Arts in administrative leadership from Marian University, and a Bachelor of Science in political science and public administration from the University of Wisconsin, Ms. McCormick received both degrees with high honors.

“What Sex is a Republican?” is sold on Amazon in both the paperback edition as well as Kindle edition.  Read reviews on Amazon here.

I never saw the angst and anger brewing in my political party’s front row or the curve ball that was to be thrown at me in 2006.

THE CURVE BALL

What I didn’t anticipate was the jealousy and pettiness that would surface from my own political party in 2006. I had met and discussed my race with Wisconsin’s congressional chairman, the dean of the congressional delegation in Washington and the state’s GOP chairman.

All three individuals assured me that my race for Congress would be a fair one. In fact, all three men were enthusiastic about my bid for Congress … at first. At least, they were enthusiastic in our face-to-face discussions. The congressional dean told me that my party’s speaker was running for governor, not Congress. He was a bit mistaken, unfortunately.

All three gentlemen, in private face-to-face meetings, confirmed that the GOP would not meddle in my congressional primary race, and there would be an even playing field.

That all changed when I traveled to Washington DC to meet with the National Republican Campaign Committee (NRCC) in January 2006, just after my formal announcement to run. In the meeting with congressional staffers, I was assured that my Republican primary for Congress would be fair and open.

I was told that all resources of information and support would be shared equally between me and my primary opponent (my party’s junior speaker). In fact, I remember walking away from that meeting feeling great about my government and my party and thankful that I lived in the United States, a country that honored free and open elections.

What was the magic rule that changed everything? Rule No. 11! The Rule 11, cited by the GOP political class January 2006, was a made-up rule, according to former GOP state party chair and state coordinator for President Reagan and now publisher of the Wisconsin Conservative Digest, Bob Dohnal. This bold and sage leader not only stood with me during the Republican primary, but he took on the elitist wing in the party to do so. Mr. Dohnal looked at the credentials and the merit of the two candidates and made an independent decision.

The problem for Republican elitists was that Dohnal thought all Republicans in the state should do the same. Later, on March 19, 2006, as quoted by the Green Bay Press Gazette, NRCC chairman Tom Reynolds denied any knowledge of Rule No. 11, saying, “The NRCC had no choice in the preprimary meddling. It was a state party decision, not mine.”

The Wisconsin GOP political class made its decision and passed it to Washington without a call to anyone—and now it was too late for me to do anything but honor my word to stay in the race and give the people the best I had. Never mind the polls from the Terrence Group, which declared that my primary opponent’s negatives were too insurmountable to win either a primary or a general without the help of the president himself. The deal was done.

Was this gender-based? I doubt it. I’d like to think that this political deal was cut without my party leaders’ knowledge, but that would be naive.

One of the junior congressmen from southeast Wisconsin was a part of the boondoggle that would eventually remove my congressional race from the hands of the voters in my district. I learned of his involvement in an earlier visit to Washington in 2005, when I was urgently requested to come out and meet with the National Republican Campaign Committee (NRCC) director. The thendirector of the NRCC explained that there were deals being thrown around, and I looked like a better candidate.

I had assumed that Paul Ryan would be helpful in showing me the ropes, giving me some pointers and introducing me to people in Washington. After all, it was in 2003 that Ryan drove from southeast

Wisconsin to my district in Appleton in a torrential downpour to be my guest speaker at what could have been my announcement to run for U.S. Senate.

I presumed that young congressman Ryan had read the article and understood that people in our home state acknowledged what I could do in public office. I was wrong; merit and accomplishment would have nothing to do with our meeting. Ryan would take quite a different tack. Instead of a tour of the congressional offices and introductions to party leadership, I was ushered over to the Capitol Hill Club, just steps away from the NRCC offices.

It became clear that Ryan didn’t want me to meet anyone in Washington. At the Capitol Hill Club, this awkwardly tall man in his thirties met me just outside the door. Within moments Ryan had demanded the names of the two young men (and their bosses’ names) who’d accompanied me to the meeting with him in Washington. His shakedown skills were reminiscent of the guttural scenes from the movie Gangs of New York.

Ryan aimed his questions in a young-gun accusatory fashion: “Who are ya? Why are you here? Who do you work for? Vito? Hah— the congressman from New York? I’m going to give him a call.”

That day in 2005 Ryan appeared to be a brash political animal, operating out of fear and survival. Something was motivating him and I was about to find out what it was. Ryan was a member of the political class, a typical insider, a young staffer right out of college, working for Senator Brownback, then transported after one term to Wisconsin to run for a newly redistricted GOP congressional seat.

As we moved up the steps toward the dining room at the Capitol Hill Club, I spotted someone I had met at a state convention, Congressman J.D. Hayworth from Arizona. I waved in his direction but was abruptly interrupted and told to take a seat in the far corner of the dining room. The two young staffers with me were visibly shaken.

Ryan controlled every detail to follow, including where I would sit—at that far corner table. I was told to sit with my back to the wall, facing outward to those in the dining room. Ryan’s chair was immediately across from mine, with his back to the dining room.

The two young staffers with me began to sit motionless, with nothing to offer at this point and nothing to say. White pressed table linens and fine china with a congressional seal presented an elegant and stark contrast to the conversation that would follow.

“Would you like something for lunch? I am not hungry,” Ryan aggressively started.

Picking up his lead I said, “No, I don’t care for lunch either. The water is fine.”

As Ryan leaned in to tell me what the orchestrated meeting was about, he looked like a snake, uncoiling just before it bit his victim.

“I have to tell you that I will be supporting your primary opponent.” His comment was not surprising, given the tone and accusatory questions at the front door of the Capitol Hill Club. He went on, “Your opponent’s wife is my friend. I have known her for a long time.”

Okay, I thought, this is a first. My opponent’s wife was a former appointee of a GOP governor. She evidently had enough authority to give orders to Congressman Ryan.

Realizing the game this guy was playing, I leaned forward, put a large smile on my face and softened my tone as I said, “It is nice to have friends. Everyone should have friends.”

Ryan seemed perplexed that I wasn’t shaken or concerned with his blatant attempt to intimidate me out of the race. I went on, “I have no intention of getting out of the primary for Congress. Who are you to take an election away from the voters?” Ryan openly laughed and acted as though he was holding all the cards.

“You should know,” I continued, “that I come from an Irish family that does not quit when the going gets tough. We were farmers, business owners and fighters.”

Ryan dismissed my last remarks with a chuckle. “Well, we were just potato-pickers from Ireland. I don’t know anything about what you just said.”

I calmly and quietly whispered, “I have no intention of getting out of this race.”

Ryan grinned and boasted, “Well, then, I will be watching from the ground. I will be doing everything I can to see that your opponent is elected.”

On January 14, 2006, in the local Gannett newspaper, Rule No. 11—the made-up rule that made it all right for the political elites to reach into a congressional district and take an election away from the people—came alive with the headline: “GOP Takes Stance Early and McCormick Finds National Support Building for her Opponent.” The article noted, “This goes beyond the boys’ club, and this goes to engineering an election and electioneering, trying to fix an election before the primary.”

The second headline, published by the Green Bay (Wisconsin) Press-Gazette on March 19, 2006, read: “McCormick Not Alone in Party Snub, People Not GOP, Should Choose Candidate, She Says.” The article that accompanied that headline found it best to get behind a candidate who the people want. … It is best to trust in the democratic process that the people will decide who will best represent them.”

The powerful lesson learned in the GOP primary race would take quite a different turn from the intentions of those “watching from the field” in 2006. The people would have the final say in this safe GOP seat in Wisconsin. …The results?

The political class would lose—despite the $2.5 million spent to buy the seat. The Democrat candidate was awarded the “safe GOP seat,” and Congress itself would change hands. Several GOP convictions that same year would prove to the public that the “Era of Irresponsibility” needed to end. The Hollywood movie set was exposed for what it was…To continue reading this book, get your copy of “What Sex is a Republican” in paperback or Kindle edition on Amazon.

About the Author:

Terri McCormick is an author, policy expert, educator, and former state representative to the Wisconsin State Legislature. Today, she offers her expertise in public and government relations through McCormick Dawson CPG Ltd., a trusted consultancy of independent contractors.

Ms. McCormick serves as president and CEO of the company, drawing from more than two decades of professional experience, a strong educational foundation, a host of industry-related publications, and a multitude of accolades, awards and formal recognitions. Holding a Master of Arts in administrative leadership from Marian University, and a Bachelor of Science in political science and public administration from the University of Wisconsin, Ms. McCormick received both degrees with high honors.

“What Sex is a Republican?” is sold on Amazon in both the paperback edition as well as Kindle edition.  Read reviews on Amazon here.